Bo French is a liability who mistakes bigotry for bravery
By Ruth Behrens · Reporting from Newell, Iowa ·
If you’ve ever spent a winter welding at a co-op or kept the books for a seed dealership, you know that the most dangerous person in the room isn't the one who disagrees with…
# The Numbers Don't Lie, but Bo French Does
If you’ve ever spent a winter welding at a co-op, smelling the ozone and frozen iron, or kept the books for a seed dealership where the ink smudges in the humidity, you know that the most dangerous person in the room isn't the one who disagrees with you—it’s the one who lies about the numbers to stir up a fight. In the oil patch, as in the cornfield, we value predictability. We value the man who knows the basis chart and the woman who keeps her word. We do not value a man who treats a regulatory agency like a megaphone for a culture war he’s losing.
Bo French, the Republican nominee for the Texas Railroad Commission, thinks the best way to manage the state's oil rigs and brine ponds is to fret over the faces in a University of Texas graduation crowd. ABC News reported that French posted an image of students celebrating a win over Ohio State, claiming that "foreigners" are being prioritized over Texans. He told his followers the problem is "far worse than anyone imagined."
The numbers—the only things that don't lie—tell a different story. UT Austin’s 2025-26 data shows that fewer than five in 100 students are international, while state law ensures nine in ten undergraduate spots go to Texas residents. Bo French isn't protecting Texas families; he is inventing a crisis to feed a grudge.
A Playbook of Exclusion
This isn't just a "controversial post." It is a calculated move from an old, ugly playbook. When a politician frames a foreign national as a threat to the land and jobs of the native-born, he isn't practicing politics; he is pushing people out. The Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882 used this exact mechanism, claiming a specific national group threatened the economic survival of "real" citizens to justify a law that stripped people of their humanity and their right to belong.
When Bo French suggested at CPAC that the government should deport Native Americans, or called for the deportation of one in three Americans, as KSAT reported, he wasn't talking about border security. He is echoing a historical pattern of using fear to consolidate power. The GOP bought party unity at the cost of a candidate's rhetoric during the 2016 presidential election. Leaders hesitated during the 2011 Wisconsin protests when identity politics clashed with party discipline. But a presidential candidate is different from a man asking to run a 135-year-old agency that manages a budget large enough to fund a fleet of state ferries.
Who pays for the chaos?
The Texas oil and gas industry sits in a tug-of-war. On one side, the Houston suits—the institutional players—are nervous. Todd Staples, treasurer of the Texas Oil and Gas Association (TXOGA) Good Government Committee, said the PAC "unequivocally and without reservation condemns" French’s post. These executives know that respect is the foundation of the industry. They also know that ExxonMobil and Chevron, who backed incumbent Jim Wright, prefer a steady hand over a loose cannon.
On the other side, the wildcatters and land-rich tycoons are doubling down.
| Donor | Contribution | | :--- | :--- | | Luke Dunn | $50,000+ | | Alex Williamson | $50,000+ | | Texas Freedom Fund | $800,000 (Cash & Ads) |
The Texas Tribune reported that the Texas Freedom Fund—backed by Tim Dunn and Farris Wilks—poured this capital into the campaign. These men bet that a "drill baby drill" mandate outweighs the toxicity of the man.
The strongest case for Bo French is that he is a shield against environmentalists who want to regulate the industry into the ground. His supporters argue that in a world of hostile federal mandates, you need a fighter who ignores the sensibilities of city lawyers and activists. They fear that a Democrat on the Railroad Commission would be, as Mark Jones said, "a fox in the henhouse."
But look at the alternative. Jon Rosenthal spent two decades as an oil and gas engineer and served four terms as a state representative. He calls himself a "drill baby drill" Democrat. He is living proof that a man can support the oil patch without hating his neighbor. The industry's fear of a Democrat is a ghost story told to keep them tethered to a candidate who makes them look unstable.
Senator John Cornyn already broke ranks, saying he will not vote for French. When the establishment leaves, the checks usually stop clearing. The Texas Freedom Fund may double down, but you cannot run a statewide agency on the goodwill of three billionaires while the rest of the industry watches from the sidelines.
A man who views a graduation ceremony as a battlefield will view a regulatory hearing as a soapbox. The Railroad Commission is about pipelines, produced water, and control of Texas energy—not about who looks "foreign" in a cap and gown. If the industry continues to fund a man who treats the American people like an enemy occupation, they aren't protecting their interests; they are paying for their own decline. Bo French is not a guardian of the gate; he is a liability who mistakes bigotry for bravery, and he has no business holding the keys to the Texas oil patch.